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Old 24.02.2005, 06:26   #1
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Default For Admirers of China

GE Forecasts $5 Billion of China Sales This Year (Update2)

Feb. 24 (Bloomberg) -- General Electric Co., the world's second-biggest company by market value, is forecasting $5 billion of sales in China this year, a fivefold rise since 2001.

``We're very profitable in China,'' Steven J. Schneider, president and chief executive office of the company's Asia- Pacific region, said in an interview in Beijing after a press briefing held to detail GE's Olympics sponsorship.

Schneider said sales rose across more than a dozen product lines the company sells in China. He declined to give profit figures.

GE last year had China sales of $3.8 billion, up from $1 billion in 2001, and is expecting a 32 percent increase this year, Schneider said. Among its China businesses are sales of locomotive, power, sanitation and airline equipment.

``We see double-digit growth across all sectors in China,'' he said. ``China is full of opportunities for GE.''

GE is sponsoring China's National Figure Skating Team ahead of Beijing's 2008 Olympic games in an effort to raise the company's profile in its biggest and fastest growing market, Schneider told reporters today.

GE was overtaken by Exxon Mobil Corp. as the world's biggest company by market value last week.



To contact the reporter on this story:
Allen T. Cheng in Beijing at [email protected]

To contact the editor responsible for this story:
Bruce Grant in Hong Kong at [email protected]
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Old 24.02.2005, 15:47   #2
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Ya ne ponyal.. Mnogokratni rost .. chto zdes ploxovo ??
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Old 24.02.2005, 19:42   #3
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Китай это основание приамиды.
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Old 24.02.2005, 21:28   #4
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Originally Posted by Mono
Ya ne ponyal.. Mnogokratni rost .. chto zdes ploxovo ??

весь бензин сожрут, вот чего ... чего же в этом хорошего
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Old 24.02.2005, 21:38   #5
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Кстати некоторые аналитики считают что уже зимой 2005-2006 нефти просто __физически__ будет недостаточно для покрытия спроса который ожидается что возрастет на 5% в основном в Китае..

Поскольку Китай это основание Пирамиды то все рессурсы будут брошены на усиление основание Чтобы нечаянно не сломать Пирамиду
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Old 24.02.2005, 21:41   #6
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На фиг пирамиду ... лучше пусть бензин будет ...
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Old 25.02.2005, 02:20   #7
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Free people are choosing hydrogen power.
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Old 25.02.2005, 03:52   #8
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trudnosti im po plechu.
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Old 25.02.2005, 17:58   #9
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Free people are choosing hydrogen power.
я так смотрю это последный шанс спасти Пирамиду в нынешной форме

Но это иллюзия Нужен новый источник энергии а не новый вид его использование и хранения

Знание это Сила !!!
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Old 28.02.2005, 08:30   #10
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The Voice of a New China?
by Michael Orona

As a new decade dawns, researchers, political analysts, and economists rush to try to understand what role China will play in the years that follow. What eventually becomes of the People's Republic of China may be largely left for time to decipher. Time may also prove to be the most formidable adversary, as it is something that the Chinese leadership is running out of.

Chinese President Jiang Zemin has made it very clear that China intends to forge partnerships toward the trend of mulitpolarization. The theory calls for China to establish peaceful coexistence with other nations of the world despite different political, religious and economic systems. The Chinese version of this endeavor is intent on opposing hegemony, power politics, and the interference with a country's sovereignty by outside forces. Furthermore, in a recent speech, Jiang continued to stress China's role as a supporter and representative of the developing countries of the world.

What China intends to portray to the world and what it is in fact becoming are two quite different objectives. While China may claim to support the theory of multipolarization, it continues to come up short on its pledge. In advocating peaceful partnerships, China continues to move ever closer toward making the South China Sea its sole possession. In its claim to represent the interest of developing nations throughout the world, China again falls short. The leadership continually fails to actively support developing countries by refusing to join any functional or geographic groups found in the United Nations. 1 The sole purpose of these groups is to allow the developing nations the opportunity to meet in order to solve the social, political and economic problems they are facing. This contrast between proposed policy formulation and actual implementation has left the world community to contemplate what indeed the new voice of China will be. Is the leadership in Beijing willing to march in unison with other nations toward a New World Order, or is it intent on marching to the beat of its own drummer? In solving this question one needs only to reexamine the events of ten years past.

Tiananmen Square: Forgotten and Forbidden

Ten years has passed since the Tiananmen massacre, and it is still an unspoken rule on the streets of Beijing that it is best neither to mention nor even to remember anything associated with June 1989. The 10th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Massacre passed with little trouble. While a few brave souls were inclined to remember the tenth anniversary through public displays, Tiananmen (literally, "Gate of Heavenly Peace") for the most part remained true to its name. The Chinese government planned meticulously to ensure that the display of ten years ago would not be repeated. The square was therefore closed for renovation. Extra uniformed and undercover police were also enlisted to follow or arrest anyone who looked remotely suspicious.

While the tenth anniversary of Tiananmen passed largely unmarked, the world was witness to a grand style celebration last October. October 1, 1999 marked the 50th Anniversary of the founding of People's Republic of China. As Chinese tanks rumbled past Tiananmen Square for the second time in ten years, a sense of historical amnesia seemed to drift over the huge crowed that had amassed to celebrate the founding of the PRC. Amidst all the flag waving and roar of jets over head, it may have been difficult even in the private chambers of their mind for anyone to have remembered China's brave souls who a decade earlier gave their life in that same square. Like the refurbished tiles of Tiananmen and the newly painted façade of the 500 year old Forbidden City, the Chinese government seems intent to have whitewashed the rough exterior of the past rather than painstakingly address the problems of the present. What may be even more staggering is the fact that except for a select few who dare to speak out against the present social and economic inequalities, the Chinese leaders seem to have the consent of the nation. After only a decade, citizens who once called for social and political reform have now willingly conceded to the national leadership. What then has been the underlying success of the Chinese government in its attempt to fully excise its historical ghosts?

Ten Years Ago vs. The Present: More of the Same

In finding answers to this question one may first presume that China ten years later is a much different place. In the last decade the world was witness to China's accelerated economic reform and advancement onto the world stage. The man most responsible for leading China's economic reform was the same person who was in power during the Tiananmen massacre--Deng Xiaoping. It is for the former rather than the latter that Deng is most remembered. Deng's vision of economic reform has indeed transformed, at least outwardly, today's Chinese cities into social and economic centers. Automobiles now rival bicycles on city streets, skyscrapers and glass towers are now replacing the older neighborhoods or hutongs, while business suites have prevailed over the Mao suite.

The last ten years have brought about dramatic improvements in the daily life of an average Chinese citizen. An increase in health-care provisions, transportation, and access to education has greatly added to the quality of life. In the last decade, per-capita income has quadrupled to $150 U.S. per month, while life expectancy for urban dwellers has risen to nearly seventy years.

While economic reform has indeed brought about some improvements, it has failed to address the cause of other social inequalities. One might even state that these reforms might have been the root cause for the demise in the first place. The economic reform initiated by Deng and now carried over by Jiang has not been able to keep up with the social reforms that Chinese citizens were promised.

The process of economic reform first took shape in the late 1970's. Deng's attempt was to stimulate growth through the expansion of trade without a disruption of the old system. However, the means to achieve a true socialist market economy were never clearly defined. What indeed has been expressed is the need to reform the state owned enterprises. State enterprises make up the inefficient, technologically obsolete, and unproductive manufacturing sectors of the country. It has been reported that they account for over seventy-two percent of industrial assets, while accounting for only 34 percent of total industrial output. Their survival can only be attributed to government funding and subsidies rather than revenues.

In reality, economic reform has essentially been a combination of restoration of land to the tiller and the creation of new forms of economic organization. 2 While a limited few have benefited from economic reform, a large majority of the population still remains unemployed, uneducated, and underrepresented. Therefore, what economic reform has achieved is a threatening of the vested interest of a large and powerful group, namely 100 million workers and party cadres in the traditional state owned enterprises. 3

For over half a century, state enterprises have provided pensions, housing, education, and other social services for their workers and their families. In the fall of 1997, Jiang announced that acceleration of the reform of the state owned enterprise would begin. One reform called for major layoffs, in which as many as 15 million would lose their jobs. 20 million retired workers are said to be supported by state enterprises, and such enterprises pay out 18 to 20 percent of their payroll to the pension system. These archaic giants have reached the point where they are now unable to provide social safety nets as once before and are attempting to transfer their responsibility to other enterprises.

While the 76 million workers of the state owned enterprises are under threat of being terminated without social services, it is still a far cry from what the rural population must face. In 1995, more than 100 million unemployed rural workers were reported to have migrated into China's cities in search of work and a better lifestyle.

A majority of the adult rural workers that have entered the cities is illiterate with little more than a third grade education. While a large portion of the "floating population," as they are now termed, are of Han ancestry, much of the unemployed population also represents the numerous minority groups of the Chinese hinterland. Members of the floating population, because of their lack of education, are confined to manual labor. Those that have tried to excel by entrepreneurial means have been met by harsh treatment at the hands of the Chinese government.

Nevertheless, a majority of the floating population has ventured into providing trades and services. Many have opened their own food vending stalls, supply shops, or fix-it shops. Quite often, members of the same population that have entered the city from rural areas support these new businesses in their new endeavor. When police and government officials are made aware of these "illegal" operations, they are closed and destroyed with little or no warning. As the police have continued to crackdown on illegally operating businesses, many are forced to seek alternatives by less appropriate means such as prostitution, begging, and criminal activity. Many government officials have come to the conclusion that it would be best to "guide" members of the rural population back to the countryside. However, ideas of how to establish employment opportunities in the Chinese hinterland have yet to be developed.

While China is made up of 3.7 million square miles, only 10 percent is available for cultivation. Even so, the Chinese government has reported a decline of cultivated land. From 1949-1992, cultivated land declined by 2.51 percent. 4 The reason for the loss of land can be linked to several factors which include desertification, deforestation, and the fact that farmers have taken to the idea of raising high-yielding cash crops over organic alternatives. The failure to plant organic alternatives is due in part to the government's failure to raise the price of produce in order to keep with the high costs of fuel, fertilizer, and other farming expenses. Farmers are thus faced with two options. One is to rely on planting cash crops that will eventually decline in yield; the other is to migrate into the city, become illegal residents, and face the consequences that await them there.

Reports from the World Bank indicate that in 1993 the income for urban residents jumped 12 percent from the previous year while in the same amount of time the income for a rural worker rose only two percent. The report from the World Bank goes on to state that they believe that the opportunities to reduce poverty through rural industry and agricultural growth were exhausted by the mid-1980's.

Efforts have been made to curb the tide of the surplus working population from entering into the cities. The most recent attempts were designed with the 50th anniversary of the PRC in mind. As the anniversary approached, it was reported by numerous international news agencies that members of the floating population were being rounded up and moved out of Beijing. Reports indicate that close to 100,000 people including members of the homeless population as well as the mentally ill were banished from the city and taken out to areas of the countryside and placed in halfway homes. Upon their arrival they were told not to return until all planned festivities were concluded. Reports also indicate that citizens who live outside of Beijing were not being allowed to enter the capital city until the completion of the celebration. Chinese tourist agencies were also prohibited from organizing tours to Beijing during activities commemorating the 50th anniversary.

The Falun Gong Movement

In the early morning hours in April 25, 1999, 10,000 Chinese citizens surround the residence and governmental offices of the Chinese leadership. Silent protesters demanding government recognition of their religious beliefs and practices besieged the compound known as Zhongnanhi. The protesters were part of the Falun Gong movement which incorporates meditation, Qigong (breathing and physical exercises), clean living standards, and aspects of Buddhism and Taoism as well as other religious beliefs into their daily lives.

The Chinese leadership as well as its intelligence agencies, which since the Tiananmen massacre, have prided themselves on knowing the movements of all local and national groups, were completely caught by surprise. The most alarming aspect was that the protesters had mounted mass demonstrations in thirty cities around the country. The Chinese leadership became uneasy knowing that such a large group could be mobilized and remain undetected. Perhaps even more frightening to the leadership was the fact that members of the Chinese Communist Party were also listed in the membership rolls of the Falun Gong.

The Falun Gong movement claims a membership of over 10 million but others suggest that actual memberships is closer to around 2 million. Because of their large numbers and their willingness to seek recognition to their cause, the Falun Gong movement has now been labeled by the government as a threat to the country's social and political stability. As is usually the case during such threats, the central government has enlisted the help and support of the state sponsored media. The media were mobilized to inform citizens not be become involved in such a movement. Articles began to appear in several newspapers reporting that members of the movement were involved in child abduction, murder, and other illegal activities.

When the media blitz did not stop supporters in their quest to seek recognition, the government outlawed the practice and begin to initiate harsh punishments. Hundreds of thousands of supporters have been placed under arrest, tortured and intimidated in an attempt to have members renounce their belief. The government has gone as far as to put a bounty on the leader of the Falun Gong Movement, Li Hongzhi. A reward of $6,000 U.S. has been offered to any one who can supply information leading to the arrest of Li.

Equality Denied

China's continued move toward reform in an effort to increase economic well being has not reached all the different segments of Chinese society. It is a slow and lengthy process that will not reach marginalized members for several years. However, reform for some groups may best be reached if they are allowed to voice their concerns.

China's move toward reform has also brought about little change for any of the country's minority groups. One example is the case of the Uighur minority group. The Uighurs, whose language is Turkish based, make their home in the province of Xinjiang in western China. When the Chinese Communists conquered the region in 1949, the population was 93 percent Uighur Muslim and 7 percent Han Chinese. Today, the Uighurs are only 47 percent of the population, with Han Chinese getting the best jobs in government, industry, commerce and newly built oil refineries. 5 For years the group has called for complete autonomy and independence. Within the last two years, the members of this Moslem minority group have proceeded in their quest for self-determination by targeting and bombing several strategic government locations.

The last ten years may claim to have brought economic advances to some segments of Chinese society. Some China watchers argue that such reform is leading the country down a road toward social and political chaos while others claim that China has the fortitude necessary to withstand such turmoil. All are agreed, however, that the last ten years will be remembered as a focal point in the history of the PRC.

China's Answer

The international community will always remember June 4, 1989 as a time of mounting social and political unrest in China. Those in the West seem intent on remembering the students and their quest for reform. While continually reexamining only the topical aspect of the events of that time, we in the West may have confined our assessment too narrowly and therefore failed to truly understand the social and political significance of that time. While limiting our view only to the students and their call for reform, albeit a heroic and important aspect, we failed to recognize another movement that was taking place. A second group, made up mostly of Chinese scholars, felt that their country was not ready to make a move toward democracy. Instead these scholars called for a period of neoauthoritarian rule. Adherents to this political belief felt that their view would first lead to full-scale economic development. They believed that a strong economy must be the foundation on which reform would take place. Only then, after economic development was established, could China move toward democracy.

After the effects of Tiananmen, the Chinese leadership was filled with a sense of uncertainty. A way in which to unite the citizens of China under one common view was desperately needed. The neoauthorian scholars were eager to put their idea to the masses. At the same time they did not want to seem overtly critical of those in power. They reached safe ground by employing an age old method of protest know as Jia-Qian. 6 This classical Chinese style of comment, named after emperors Jia Qing and Qian Long, would be incorporated to express the ideas of the neoauthoritarians.

These scholars were about to chart a dramatic change in course and steer China toward a political trend that it had not seen in decades. The basis of Jia-Qian allowed for a shift in political examination. The Neoauthoritarians called for a look inward toward Chinese culture and traditions. With this style of research, a new appreciation for all things Chinese begin to take form. Almost instantly, papers, articles, and research intent on highlighting language, culture, and tradition were published. Chinese-centered curriculum began to emphasize a value system intent on examining its own superiority and discrediting things that were foreign.

This form of scholarship, which led to the social, historical, and political appreciation of the past, begin to call for China to regain its lost territories as well as to restore lost pride and dignity. Interest in the ideals of the West would now be held by only a select few. Only ten years after Tiananmen, the Chinese government had a foundation on which to unite its citizenry. Unbridled Chinese nationalism was unleashed.

The resurgence of Chinese nationalism has had its most notable effects within the last year. The inadvertent bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade by American forces elicited a response that was unanticipated by the West. Shortly after the incident, the government-supported media went to work to awaken the nationalistic fervor of students and citizens alike. Daily publications portrayed those killed in the bombing as "martyrs for the motherland." Horrid photos of the deceased taken after their untimely death were continually shown on the evening news.

Articles in daily newspapers called for China to align its military power with the Serbs and take on the U.S. and its NATO allies. Books with titles such as "China will not be bullied or tricked," and "Glorious China" were written in a matter of weeks. Students were informed that they could best help the Serbs by sending donations to the Yugoslavian Embassy in Beijing. By week's end, it was estimated that thousands of dollars were received along with letters written by Chinese students asking permission to join the Serbian military force.

While students attacked the American Consulate in the southern province of Sichuan, the Embassy in Beijing was battered with stones and Molatov Cocktails. The most noticeable aspect of the protest was the organization and well thought out planning that it incorporated. Students lined up in front of the embassy moving forward row by row as they hailed their projectiles of choice toward the embassy. The most striking display of organization was the fact that the Chinese government provided free transportation for students who wished to take part in the protest.

"We will work unremittingly for the lofty cause of world peace and development." These were the words spoken by President Jiang Zemin to mark the 50th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China. The president's promising words of peace and prosperity were only another in a series of contradictions issued to the world community by China as it showcased its military hardware. The Dong Feng-31 Missile along with Russian SU-27 Fighters, the T-90 Tank and the Chinese-made Flying Leopard fighter-bomber all made their way into the celebration.

The Dong Feng-31, which had never been seen by the public, made its anticipated debut in the anniversary parade. This intercontinental missile, whose name means "East Wind," has a range of nearly 5,000 miles. This type of range gives the Dong Feng the capability of easily striking China's Asian neighbors as well as Alaska and Hawaii. Most experts estimate that this missile will be fully operational in two years.

The Chinese 50th anniversary parade was reminiscent of a Soviet style military display of the cold war era. Male and female troops carried machine guns and goose-stepped their way past the Chinese leadership as towering portraits of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Jiang Zimen were paraded down the Avenue of Eternal Peace. To mark the anniversary, the Chinese government issued a newly designed 100 Yuan bill. This banknote will replace the profiles of Zhou En Lai, Zhu De and Liu Shaoqi with Mao Zedong in front of a red backdrop.

It is still interesting to note that the man most responsible for China's economic reform, Deng Xiaoping, fails to appear on China's currency, as the Cult of Mao is anything but dead.

Where Have all the Flowers Gone?

The Chinese government, eager to prove to the world the progress that has been made during the last fifty years, spent billions of dollars on ceremonial festivities. Prominent older buildings were repainted. Flowers adorned Tiananmen Square as well as major thoroughfares of Beijing. Slogans were painted on billboards predicting China's move toward greatness.

While grass was planted and festive lights were put into place, China's poor continued to live in poverty. As patriotic speeches were given throughout the country, millions wondered in search of work. It is inevitable. The grass may now be green but it will eventually turn brown; the lights will grow dim, and the paint will fade. It is then that Beijing will have to answer its most serious questions. The current problems that China faces will not diminish. The Chinese leadership will not be able to ignore the mounting social and economic problems and continue to hide behind empty promises. The most dangerous aspect of Chinese nationalism is that it cannot be sustained without an enemy. Beijing hardliners have identified the United States and Japan as possible adversaries. When China runs out of excuses it may revert to narrowing in on such an enemy in order to keep its nationalistic fervor kindled. As is usually the case in such circumstances, it will be the citizens of the nation who will pay the price. In the end, nationalism will not be able to satisfy the spiritual needs, relieve the hunger pangs and remedy the economic inequalities of the Chinese people.

As one of the final acts of the 50th anniversary celebration, children gathered near a memorial tower centered in Tiananmen Square. As they waved and smiled, one young woman who witnessed the activity may have expressed it best when she stated, "Look at those children, they are so happy and full of love and energy. They are the future of my country and I hope that they will be able to share that peaceful feeling with the rest of the world." That indeed is the same hope of the international community as well.

http://www.yale.edu/ypm/articles/apr00/apr00a.html
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